Journals / Uluslararası Anadolu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (Internatıonal Anatolian Social Sciences Journal) / 2026 / Cilt: 10 Sayı: 3

THE SECURITIZATION OF TRADE AND THE ZANGEZUR CORRIDOR IN THE CHANGING WORLD ORDER: TÜRKİYE'S POLITICAL ECONOMY OF STRATEGIC AUTONOMY

DEĞİŞEN DÜNYA DÜZENİNDE TİCARETİN GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRİLMESİ VE ZENGEZUR KORİDORU: TÜRKİYE’NİN STRATEJİK ÖZERKLİK POLİTİK EKONOMİSİ

Arzu Al(MARMARA UNIVERSITY)0000-0002-3287-3661
Pages
481–503
Publication Date
2026-09-30
🏛️Bibliographic metadata and full text access for this article are provided via DergiPark.
DergiPark Record ↗
✨

AI Summary & Key Takeaways

AI Insight
⚡ TL;DR(Too Long; Didn't Read)

Connectivity, therefore, does not in itself guarantee autonomy; its strategic value depends on the governance and redundancy conditions under which it operates.

📌 3 Key Takeaways

🎯
Objective & Hypothesis:Debate over the Zangezur Corridor typically centers on distance, freight time, and logistics capacity.
📊
Key Findings & Data:This study shifts the focus from transport efficiency to strategic autonomy by asking under what conditions the proposed link would expand Türkiye's strategic room for maneuver rather than generate a new form of dependence.
💡
Conclusion & Impact:Connectivity, therefore, does not in itself guarantee autonomy; its strategic value depends on the governance and redundancy conditions under which it operates.
🔬Design:Araştırma Makalesi
📍Scope:2020 Verileri
⚙️Variables:Zangezur Koridoru · Ticaretin Güvenlikleştirilmesi · Jeoekonomi

Abstract

Debate over the Zangezur Corridor typically centers on distance, freight time, and logistics capacity. This study shifts the focus from transport efficiency to strategic autonomy by asking under what conditions the proposed link would expand Türkiye's strategic room for maneuver rather than generate a new form of dependence. The analysis draws on 18 authenticated official documents issued between November 2020 and June 2026 by Azerbaijan, Armenia, Iran, Türkiye, the United States, and the Organization of Turkic States. These documents are examined across nine interrelated categories: connectivity, route redundancy, securitization, sovereignty and jurisdiction, operational control, geoeconomic positioning, reciprocity, delegated commercial governance, and disputes over terminology. This framework traces a marked evolution in the corridor's institutional design. Russian border supervision under the 2020 trilateral statement gave way to the sovereignty-based Washington declaration of 2025 and, subsequently, to the Armenia-United States TRIPP arrangement of 2026. Under the published design, Armenia retains border and customs authority, while a United States-affiliated entity holds the controlling corporate share. For Türkiye, this creates a central tension: the corridor may provide an additional route, yet Türkiye has no formal role in the disclosed ownership or reserved-decision structure. The study conceptualizes this mismatch as a commercial sovereignty paradox. It argues that the corridor can enhance Türkiye's strategic autonomy only if access remains predictable, the route provides genuine substitution capacity, and alternative routes remain available. Connectivity, therefore, does not in itself guarantee autonomy; its strategic value depends on the governance and redundancy conditions under which it operates.

Özet

Zangezur Koridoru hakkındaki tartışmalar çoğu zaman mesafe, taşıma süresi ve lojistik kapasite üzerinden yürütülmektedir. Bu çalışma farklı bir soruya odaklanmakta ve yeni hattın Türkiye'nin stratejik hareket alanını hangi koşullarda genişletebileceğini incelemektedir. Araştırma, Kasım 2020 ile Haziran 2026 arasında Azerbaycan, Ermenistan, İran, Türkiye, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı tarafından yayımlanan 18 doğrulanmış resmî belgeye dayanmaktadır. Belgeler bağlantısallık, güzergâh yedekliliği, güvenlikleştirme, egemenlik ve yargı yetkisi, operasyonel kontrol, jeoekonomik konumlanma, karşılıklılık, devredilmiş ticari yönetişim ve terminoloji tartışması başlıkları altında incelenmiştir. Kurumsal yapı, 2020 üçlü bildirisindeki Rus sınır denetimi modelinden 2025 Washington Bildirisi'ne ve 2026 TRIPP düzenlemesine doğru değişmiştir. Son düzenleme Ermenistan'ın sınır ve gümrük yetkisini korurken Amerika Birleşik Devletleri bağlantılı kuruluşu şirketin kontrol hissedarı hâline getirmektedir. Türkiye yeni bir güzergâha erişim sağlayabilir, ancak yayımlanan ortaklık yapısında ve özel onaya tabi karar mekanizmasında resmî bir konuma sahip değildir. Bu durum, çalışmada ticari egemenlik paradoksu olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Stratejik özerklik, hattın varlığından çok erişimin öngörülebilirliğine, gerçek ikame kapasitesine ve alternatif güzergâhların korunmasına bağlıdır.

🔖

Cite This Article

Atan, Y. G., Al, A. (2026). THE SECURITIZATION OF TRADE AND THE ZANGEZUR CORRIDOR IN THE CHANGING WORLD ORDER: TÜRKİYE'S POLITICAL ECONOMY OF STRATEGIC AUTONOMY. Uluslararası Anadolu Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (Internatıonal Anatolian Social Sciences Journal), Cilt: 10 Sayı: 3, 481–503. https://doi.org/10.47525/ulasbid.1925170

📄 Full Text PDF Viewer

📄

PDF görüntüleyici hazırlanıyor...

References (40)

  1. Aydın-Düzgit, S., Kutlay, M., & Keyman, E. F. (2026). Strategic autonomy in Turkish foreign policy in an age of multipolarity: Lineages and contradictions of an idea. *International Politics, 63*, 184–205. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-024-00638-w
  2. Balzacq, T. (2005). The three faces of securitization: Political agency, audience and context. *European Journal of International Relations, 11*(2), 171–201. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066105052960
  3. Bowen, G. A. (2009). Document analysis as a qualitative research method. *Qualitative Research Journal, 9*(2), 27–40. https://doi.org/10.3316/QRJ0902027
  4. Buzan, B., Wæver, O., & de Wilde, J. (1998). *Security: A new framework for analysis*. Lynne Rienner Publishers. https://www.rienner.com/title/Security_A_New_Framework_for_Analysis
  5. Cooper, A. F., Higgott, R. A., & Nossal, K. R. (1993). *Relocating middle powers: Australia and Canada in a changing world order*. UBC Press. https://www.ubcpress.ca/relocating-middle-powers
  6. Farrell, H., & Newman, A. L. (2019). Weaponized interdependence: How global economic networks shape state coercion. *International Security, 44*(1), 42–79. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00351
  7. Fridrichová, K., & Kříž, Z. (2025). Diminished hegemony: Consequences of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. *Problems of Post-Communism, 72*(4), 343–355. https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2024.2386996
  8. German, T. (2022). Russia and the South Caucasus: The China challenge. *Europe-Asia Studies, 74*(9), 1596–1615. https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2022.2071843
  9. Golmohammadi, V., & Azizi, H. (2026). A status quo power in a changing region: Iran's regionalism in the South Caucasus. *Nationalities Papers, 54*(3), 593–606. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2025.10084
  10. Guliyev, F. (2024). Presidential discourses on regionalism in Azerbaijan: Turkic solidarity and the Silk Road. *Nationalities Papers*. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2024.42
  11. Kenderdine, T., & Bucsky, P. (2021). *Middle Corridor: Policy development and trade potential of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route* (ADBI Working Paper No. 1268). Asian Development Bank Institute. https://www.adb.org/publications/middle-corridor-policy-development-trade-potential
  12. Kutlay, M., & Öniş, Z. (2021). Turkish foreign policy in a post-Western order: Strategic autonomy or new forms of dependence. *International Affairs, 97*(4), 1085–1104. https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab094
  13. Mac-Glandières, Y. (2025). Pax Logistica? Mapping the interplay between war, peace and infrastructure in Azerbaijan after the 2nd Karabakh war (2020–2023). *Mobilities, 20*(6), 1095–1112. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2025.2498755
  14. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia. (2026a, May 26). *Charter on comprehensive strategic partnership between the Republic of Armenia and the United States*. https://www.mfa.am/en/press-releases/2026/05/26/Armenia_USA/13973
  15. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia. (2026b, May 26). *Framework agreement between the Republic of Armenia and the United States of America on strategic cooperation concerning the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity*. https://www.mfa.am/en/press-releases/2026/05/26/TRIPP_Framework/13971
  16. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia. (2026c, January 14). *Joint statement on the publication of the Armenia-U.S. implementation framework for the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity*. https://www.mfa.am/en/press-releases/2026/01/14/TRIPP/13721
  17. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia. (2026d, June 4). *Signing of the framework agreement between the Republic of Armenia and the United States of America on strategic cooperation concerning TRIPP*. https://www.mfa.am/en/press-releases/2026/06/04/TRIPP_Framework/13981
  18. Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure of Türkiye. (2022). *Transport and logistics master plan 2053*. https://www.uab.gov.tr/uploads/pages/bakanlik-yayinlari/20221025-2053-ulastirma-ve-lojistik-ana-plani-eng.pdf
  19. Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure of Türkiye. (2024, March 5). *Orta Koridor'da ülkemizin konumunu güçlendireceğiz*. https://sgb.uab.gov.tr/haberler/orta-koridor-da-ulkemizin-konumunu-guclendirecegiz
  20. Ministry of Transport and Infrastructure of Türkiye. (2025, June 1). *Zengezur Koridoru, Orta Koridor'u destekleyecek*. https://www.uab.gov.tr/haberler/zengezur-koridoru-orta-koridor-u-destekleyecek
  21. Nolte, D. (2010). How to compare regional powers: Analytical concepts and research topics. *Review of International Studies, 36*(4), 881–901. https://doi.org/10.1017/S026021051000135X
  22. OECD. (2023). *Realising the potential of the Middle Corridor*. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/635ad854-en
  23. Office of the Prime Minister of Armenia. (2023, October 26). *Prime Minister Pashinyan presents the Crossroads of Peace project and its principles at the Tbilisi International Forum*. https://www.primeminister.am/en/statements-and-messages/item/2023/10/26/Nikol-Pashinyan-Speech/
  24. Office of the Prime Minister of Armenia. (2025a, March 13). *The Prime Minister gives an interview to Turkish media representatives*. https://www.primeminister.am/en/interviews-and-press-conferences/item/2025/03/13/Nikol-Pashinyan-Interview/
  25. Office of the Prime Minister of Armenia. (2025b, August 18). *Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan addresses the nation*. https://www.primeminister.am/en/statements-and-messages/item/2025/08/18/Nikol-Pashinyan-Speech/
  26. Office of the Supreme Leader. (2022, July 19). *The leader of the Islamic Revolution in a meeting with the President of Turkey*. https://www.leader.ir/en/content/25923/The-Leader-of-the-Islamic-Revolution-in-a-meeting-with-the-President-of-Turkey
  27. Organization of Turkic States. (2021). *Turkic World Vision 2040*. https://turkicstates.org/u/d/haberler/turkic-world-vision-2040-2396-97.pdf
  28. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (2020, November 10). *Statement by the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia and President of the Russian Federation*. https://president.az/en/articles/view/45923
  29. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (2021, June 16). *Shusha Declaration on allied relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey*. https://president.az/en/articles/view/52122
  30. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (2023, May 25). *Ilham Aliyev is attending expanded meeting of Supreme Eurasian Economic Council in Moscow*. https://president.az/en/articles/view/59936
  31. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (2025a, August 9). *Joint declaration signed on meeting between President of Azerbaijan and Prime Minister of Armenia held in Washington*. https://president.az/en/articles/view/69572
  32. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (2025b, January 28). *Speech by Ilham Aliyev at the meeting dedicated to transportation issues*. https://president.az/en/articles/view/68151
  33. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan. (2026, January 5). *Ilham Aliyev was interviewed by local television channels*. https://president.az/en/articles/view/71213
  34. Roberts, A., Choer Moraes, H., & Ferguson, V. (2019). Toward a geoeconomic order in international trade and investment. *Journal of International Economic Law, 22*(4), 655–676. https://doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgz036
  35. Scholvin, S., & Wigell, M. (2018). Power politics by economic means: Geoeconomics as an analytical approach and foreign policy practice. *Comparative Strategy, 37*(1), 73–84. https://doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2018.1419729
  36. Smolnik, F., Fehlings, S., & Darieva, T. (2025). Hub or periphery? Changing connectivity and disconnectivity in the South Caucasus. *Mobilities, 20*(6), 1023–1037. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2025.2578234
  37. Stritzel, H. (2007). Towards a theory of securitization: Copenhagen and beyond. *European Journal of International Relations, 13*(3), 357–383. https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066107080128
  38. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. (2024, February 22). *Navigating troubled waters: Impact to global trade of disruption of shipping routes in the Red Sea, Black Sea and Panama Canal*. https://unctad.org/publication/navigating-troubled-waters-impact-global-trade-disruption-shipping-routes-red-sea-black
  39. Valiyev, A., & Bilalova, S. (2021). A battle for transportation routes in the Russian neighborhood: Is there a place for small states? *International Politics, 58*(3), 483–499. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41311-020-00241-9
  40. World Bank. (2023). *The Middle Trade and Transport Corridor: Policies and investments to triple freight volumes and halve travel time by 2030*. https://www.worldbank.org/en/region/eca/publication/middle-trade-and-transport-corridor