GEÇİŞ RİTÜELLERİNDEN DOĞUM: SAĞALTIM YOLLARI?

Özet

Geçiş ritüellerinden biri olan doğum; biyolojik bir olgu olmasına rağmen belirli törensel uygulamalar ile karşılanır. Korumasız olduğuna inanılan anne ve bebek çeşitli dinsel/büyüsel işlemler ile koruma altına alınır. Anne ve bebeği korumaya yönelik olarak gerçekleştirilen doğum sonrasına yönelik uygulamaların Dikili'nin köylerinde de halen devam ettiği saptanmıştır. Bu makalede değişen doğum sonrası uygulamaları değerlendirilmektedir. uygulamaların Müslümanlık geleneği ile bağdaştırmacı olarak devam ettiği görülürken, bazı geleneklerin de değişmeye başladığı saptanmıştır. Ortaasya ile ilişkilendirilen geleneksel uygulamaların Müslümanlık geleneği ile bağdaştırmacı olarak devam ettiği görülürken, bazı geleneklerin de değişmeye başladığı saptanmıştır. Geçmişten bu yana devam eden geleneksel uygulamalar varlıklarını sürdürürken değişime uğramışlardır. Modernleşme ile iletişim ve ulaşımda sağlanan kolaylıkların geleneksel uygulamalarda değişiklik yarattığı gözlenmiştir. Modernleşme ile özellikle geleneksel sağaltım yollarından bazılarının yerini modern tıbbın alması ile geleneksel uygulamalarda değişim veya yok olma başlamıştır. Diğer yandan bir sağaltım yolu olarak bebeklere uygulanan özellikle "tuzlama" gibi uygulamaların varlığını sürdürdüğü saptanmıştır. Makale; geçmişten bugüne farklılaşan doğum sonrası uygulamaları değerlendirmektedir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda; doğum sonrası uygulamalara ilişkin bilgiler, sözlü tarih yöntemi kullanılarak görsel/işitsel olarak kayıt altına alınmıştır. Kayıtlar deşifre edilerek; yorumsamacı paradigma ile değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışma 14 Temmuz -16 Eylül 2016 tarihleri arasında ve 25- 27 Kasım 2016 tarihinde Dikili ilçesinin bazı köylerinde gerçekleştirilmiştir. Makalede kendilerini Yörük ve Balkan Göçmenleri olarak tanımlayan köylerden elde edilen bulgulara yer verilmiştir.

Abstract

Although birth which is a rite of passage is a biological phenomenon, it has certain ritual practices. The mother and the baby, who are believed to be unprotected, are put to protection through various religious/magical procedures. It was found that postnatal practices to protect the mother and the baby were still continuing in the villages of Dikili. This study considers changing postnatal practices. While it was found on considering those practices that traditional practices associated with Central Asia were continuing as coherent with Muslim traditions, it was also found that some of the traditions were changing. While traditional practices continuing from the past until the present, they underwent changes. Ease in communication and transport due to modernisation was observed to have caused changes in traditional practices Traditional methods of therapy began to change or to disappear with modernisation and especially with the replacement of some methods of therapy by modern medicine. Practices such as “salting” especially as a method of therapy for babies were on the other hand found to continue. This study analyses the postnatal practices differing from the past. For this purpose, data on post-natal practices were recorded in image and in sound by using the method of oral history. Then the recordings were decoded and were analysed in interpretivist paradigm. The study was conducted in some villages of Dikili in the period between July 14 and September 16, 2016. The study includes findings obtained from villages where people describing themselves as Yoruks and Balkan immigrants live This study was conducted in the villages of Dikili district in the period between July 14 and September 16. Post-natal applications were recorded them visually/in audio in qualitative research method, and were interpreted. Oral history method was also used in this research. It is believed that people are open to dangers coming from supernatural powers at the moments of “passage”. Birth is a moment of passage, and thousands of traditions, beliefs and magical practices are performed so as to go through this moment with no harm. Traditional communities attribute mothers’ and babies’ death at the moment of passage to the presence of evil spirits. This belief is also available in today’s Anatolian communities. Evil spirits, calves, birds, women giving harm to women and babies are thought to exist. What is called Alkızı (red girl) in the city of Mardin is conceived as a genie disguised as a blonde woman while the same creature is conceived as a bird flying into the house in the belief of Anatolian Yoruks (nomadic Turks). Heather and nigella are put under the pillow to protect babies in several villages of Dikili. A piece of heather and a knife is put at the bedside of a baby. Nigella is put inside a piece of cloth; the cloth is sewed and is hanged on the arm of the baby. It is believed that evil does not come to nigella. The objects used reflect not only physical environment but also patriarchal structure of the society- as in putting dirty male vest beside babies to protect them. Women giving birth to a baby cannot go out of their family home for forty days neither can they meet other women who are in their postpartum period. The mother and the baby are under protection for forty days at home. Women who have to go out in this period avoid speaking when they meet a woman who has newly given birth to a baby and who has not completed the 40 day period yet with fear that a confusing thing might happen about “forty”. However, if women’s labour force is needed and if they are to meet other women in the same situation, they seemingly solve the problem of confusion by exchanging needles, beads, hairpins, etc. Postnatal women create a shield of protection by exchanging such things as needles and hairpins and continue their daily routines. Besides, women’s going out of their home is associated with religion. Women who are under protection even if they are outside until call to evening prayer must be back at home in the evening. It is also believed that outside the family home is not good for babies for the first forty days. Babies’ items of clothing are not taken out of the home, either; and the clothes washed are dried inside home. People behave as if things done to babies’ navel cord would be influential in determining their future. They decide on where to keep the navel cord according to expectations as to the future of the babies. The places where navel cord is put have symbolic values according to babies’ gender and they add meaning to babies’ lives. Babies are also named after relatives who have passed away. Giving babies the names of elderly people is important for the continuation of family. Ancestry relations are strengthened by giving babies the names of family elders. Babies are given eggs and sugar in houses visited forty day after birth. Forty pebbles collected from a river are added into the bathing water of babies. After the babies have had a bath, the bathing water with pebbles in it is thrown out. Babies and everything at home are washed and kind of purification is attained. This ceremony is called “kırklanma” (completing forty days) in this region. Another method of therapy for babies is the tradition of salting. Babies are sometimes not salted as soon as they are born; instead their hands, legs and stomach are rubbed with olive oil. Sometimes, they are washed with soap three days after birth. Babies are put on the sheet and salt is sprinkled inside their nose, ears and mouth. After salting babies cry too much, but this is tolerated because it is believed that they will not stink of sweat in the future as a result of salting. It is believed that inadequate salting will cause nappy rash and stinky sweat and if mouth is not salted it is believed that the baby will have stinky breath. This tradition of baby salting has been continuing despite the warnings made by paramedics in all villages of Dikili sayin